Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era
Party , 1852–1856 (New York, 1987). For the tangled web of Democratic politics that produced the Kansas-Nebraska Act, consult George Fort Milton, The Eve of Conflict: Stephen A. Douglas and the Needless War (Boston, 1934); and Robert W. Johannsen, Stephen A. Douglas (New York, 1973). For a sensitive rendering of the response by Lincoln in the context of the emerging Republican opposition, see Don E. Fehren-bacher, Prelude to Greatness: Lincoln in the 1850's (Stanford, 1962). For the consequences of the Kansas-Nebraska Act in Kansas as well as Washington, see James A. Rawley, Race and Politics: "Bleeding Kansas" and the Coming of the Civil War (Philadelphia, 1969); and Alice Nichols, Bleeding Kansas (New York, 1954). The transformation of politics in two important states is analyzed by Stephen E. Maizlish, The Triumph of Sectionalism: The Transformation of Ohio Politics, 1844–1856 (Kent, 1983); and Dale Baum, The Civil War Party System: The Case of Massachusetts , 1848–1876 (Chapel Hill, 1984).
    The development of a sectional schism in the Democratic party during the Buchanan administration is the subject of Roy F. Nichols, The Disruption of the American Democracy (New York, 1948). Every conceivable facet of the Dred Scott case is examined by Don E. Fehren-bacher, The Dred Scott Case: Its Significance in American Law and Politics (New York, 1978). The most systematic analysis of the Lincoln-Douglas debates is Harry V. Jaffa, An Interpretation of the Issues in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates (New York, 1959). Of the large literature on John Brown and the Harper's Ferry raid, the most detailed study is Oswald Garrison Villard, John Brown , 1800–1859 (Boston, 1910); and the most recent biography is Stephen B. Oates, To Purge This Land with Blood: A Biography of John Brown (New York, 1970). Some new information and insights can be found in Jeffery S. Rossbach, Ambivalent Conspirators: John Brown, the Secret Six, and a Theory of Slave Violence (Philadelphia, 1982). Four older monographs on the election of 1860 that emphasize the emergence of Lincoln and the South's behavior in light of his probable election are still of value: Emerson D. Fite, The Presidential Campaign of 1860 (New York, 1911); William E. Baringer, Lincoln's Rise to Power (Boston, 1937); Reinhard H. Luthin, The First Lincoln Campaign (Cambridge, Mass., 1944); and Ollinger Crenshaw, The Slave States in the Presidential Election of 1860 (Baltimore, 1945)
    An older monograph on the secession movement is also still of value: Dwight L. Dumond, The Secession Movement 1860–1861 (New York, 1931). Ralph Wooster, The Secession Conventions of the South (Princeton, 1962), presents basic factual data on the conventions and their delegates; while Donald E. Reynolds, Editors Make War: Southern Newspapers in the Secession Crisis (Nashville, 1970), documents the important role of the press in whipping up sentiment for secession. Among the best and most recent studies of the lower-South states that went out first are: Steven A. Channing, A Crisis of Fear: Secession in South Carolina (New York, 1970); William L. Barney, The Secessionist Impulse: Alabama and Mississippi in 1860 (Princeton, 1974); and Michael P. Johnson, Toward a Patriarchal Republic: The Secession of Georgia (Baton Rouge, 1977). Several older studies chronicle the initial unionism and post-Sumter secession of the upper South: Henry T. Shanks, The Secession Movement in Virginia , 1847–1861 (Richmond, 1934); J. Carlyle Sitterson, The Secession Movement in North Carolina (Chapel Hill, 1939); and Mary E. R. Campbell, The Attitude of Tennesseans toward the Union (New York, 1961). For the border states, see William J. Evitts, A Matter of Allegiances: Maryland from 1850 to 1861 (Baltimore, 1974); E. Merton Coulter, The Civil War and Readjustment in Kentucky (Chapel Hill, 1926); and William E. Parrish, Turbulent Partnership: Missouri and the Union , 1861–1865 (Columbia, Mo., 1963). Among several one-volume histories

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