Free Sex and the Citadel by Shereen El Feki Page B

powerfully influenced by neighboring countries, notably those in the Gulf, Egypt in turn has tremendous soft power in the region; through media and migration of millions of workers, Egypt spreads its culture across the Arab world. Egypt is uniquely placed to adopt outside lessons, adapt them to a local context, and broadcast them to others in the region. Through the United Nations, its influence extends even farther. For almost two decades, civil society and governments around the world have struggled to get sexualrights enshrined in international agreements, a move that helps those on the ground fighting for change; but with almost every such push, Egypt has pushed right back. In these battles, Egypt and its Arab neighbors are not alone. Muslim-majority countries, collected under the umbrella of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), hold the party line, joined by the Vatican, which has plenty of leverage to dissuade any move that the Holy See views as undermining its definition of family values. Conservative Christian NGOs from America and Europe have also tried get into bed with their Arab and Muslim counterparts, in what must be an uneasy arrangement, given the suspicion with which many right-wing ideologues view Islam. Further “unholy alliances,” as sexual rights advocates describe them, have formed in recent years between governments in sub-Saharan Africa and those in the Arab region to take a stance against same-sex relations.
    There are many recent examples of the ways in which Arab governments have resisted advancement in sexual rights on the international stage. In this pushback, Egypt plays a key role. I saw its powers of persuasion in action at a landmark meeting of the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva on discrimination and violence against people because of their sexual orientation and gender identity—a sore point for Arab states, among others, who do not wish to see such protections explicitly recognized in international human rights treaties. It was Egypt that rounded up the Arab delegates in the chamber and led them out in a protest against what they consider a slippery slope toward gay marriage, gay parenting, and the collapse of family values. One diplomat from an Arab state told me how its delegation had wanted to participate in the discussion but peer pressure from Egypt was too much to bear. “ ‘Either you go out of the room, or you go to hell,’ ” the diplomat said, recalling Egypt’s ultimatum. “I think they were joking.” The Egyptian delegation, however, was taking its clout very seriously. “We are the chair of the Non-Aligned Movement, we are a member of the Arab group, the African group, and the OIC group,” one of its representatives explained to me. “I’m not bragging, [but] we are influential in all the blocs. By virtue of being Egypt, still.”
    In the past, talking tough on “family values” in international forums allowed Egyptian officials to score points with Islamic conservatives back home without actually having to do anything domestically. And it allowed Egypt to stand tall among its Arab and Islamic peers as a bulwark against the perceived onslaught of “Western values”; practically speaking, such resistance is also a useful bargaining chip with those countries that have either taken the lead in advocating for sexual rights at the United Nations or are strongly opposed to such moves, trading off cooperation on this front for concessions on political or economic issues of more pressing interest to Egypt and its allies. Given the newfound political clout of Egypt’s Islamists, this resistance may find even firmer ideological purchase and renewed strength. It looks unlikely that Egypt and its neighbors will be switching sides in the international battle on sexual rights anytime soon.
    Back at home, change—on all fronts—will also take time. I have used many terms to describe the events that began this decade in Egypt and the wider Arab