Free The Inca Prophecy by Adrian D'Hagé Page B

more than a million members. Many of the Basij had fought bravely when Saddam Hussein had invaded Iran in 1980, and in the eight years of war, over half a million soldiers lost their lives; but now, the Basij had a very different role. Young men equipped with clubs, hoses and iron bars broke up demonstrations on the streets and on university campuses, attacking their opponentswith a vicious zeal that rivalled the worst days of SAVAK, when the Shah’s dreaded secret police had roamed the streets. Each city and town had its own Basij, and the volunteers had also assumed the role of religious police, beating those found guilty of attending mixed parties or fraternising with members of the opposite sex, and arresting women who were not wearing the hijab.
    ‘But it’s not so easy to control the internet or cell-phone cameras,’ Shakiba continued. ‘We can shut down internet sites that operate from inside Iran, but people are changing their tactics, and instead of mass demonstrations, they’ve taken to uploading images of the Basij on to YouTube, or they’re using Facebook and Twitter, and the Great Satan is encouraging that.’ Shakiba paused, weighing his next remark. ‘The other problem we face is the Ayatollah’s health.’
    ‘He’s still not well?’ For months rumours had been circulating about the health of the Supreme Leader.
    Shakiba lowered his voice. ‘Terminal cancer. He may have months, or he may last longer, but if the Islamic Revolution is to succeed … if we are to institute Sharia law throughout the world, then our nuclear program has to be at the cutting edge. That’s where you come in.’
    ‘I’m not sure I understand, General. I’m a soldier … I know very little about nuclear physics.’
    ‘It’s your capability as an administrator that’s important, Rostami. The nuclear physics we can leave to the scientists. Ahmadinejad can only run for one more consecutive term, so it will be up to us to protect the state of the nation post-Ahmadinejad. There are some in the Majlis who want this country to become a liberal Western democracy, Rostami! They’re a bigger threat to Islam than even theUnited States or Israel, and in Tehran we’re working to ensure they don’t gain control.’
    Rostami nodded. For the moment, the Majlis, or Iranian parliament, was controlled by hardliners who were devoted to the expansion of Islam and to the downfall of the West. But a growing number of moderates, supported by younger Iranians, wanted freedom of speech and a dialogue with the West, along with greater freedoms for women and the media. Both Rostami and Shakiba knew that any dialogue with the West would result in the US demanding a scaling back of the Guards’ nuclear program. For Shakiba, that was unthinkable.
    ‘If one of the moderates is elected to the presidency, then the nuclear plan will be at risk. To guard against that, I’m setting up a program that will be outside the control of the Majlis. Only our most trusted officers will have access to Operation Khumm.’
    Rostami smiled knowingly. ‘Muhammad, peace be upon Him, would be pleased,’ he replied. The pond of Khumm, in Saudi Arabia, was the place Shia Muslims believed Muhammad had anointed his son-in-law Ali to be his successor. Sunni Muslims vehemently contested the interpretation. Since Muhammad’s death in the seventh century, the succession debate had been at the core of the Sunni–Shia split.
    ‘There are to be no progress reports, Rostami,’ the general said, withdrawing a file marked Top Secret – Operation Khumm from his briefcase, ‘but this file contains the directives governing both our nuclear missiles and an additional capability I’ve described as a battlefield nuclear weapon. In essence, it’s a plutonium suitcase bomb. The aim of Operation Khumm is to ensure that the development ofour nuclear weapons program proceeds, regardless of what happens in Tehran.’
    Colonel Rostami scanned the directives. ‘I’m up to date on