Free Winter of the World by Ken Follett Page B

Party.’ That was
Heinrich’s lot, Lloyd recalled. ‘That could give them another seventy-four,’ the man finished.
    Lloyd frowned. Why would the Centre Party support a measure that would take away all its power?
    Walter voiced the same thought more bluntly. ‘How could the Catholics be so stupid?’
    Lloyd wished he had known about this before he went for coffee – then he could have discussed it with Heinrich. He might have learned something useful. Damn.
    The man with the Berlin accent said: ‘In Italy, the Catholics made a deal with Mussolini – a concordat to protect the Church. Why not here?’
    Lloyd calculated that the Centre Party’s support would bring the Nazis’ votes up to 414. ‘It’s still not two thirds,’ he said to Walter with relief.
    Another young aide heard him and said: ‘But that doesn’t take into account the Reichstag president’s latest announcement.’ The Reichstag president was Hermann
Göring, Hitler’s closest associate. Lloyd had not heard about an announcement. Nor had anyone else, it seemed. The deputies went quiet. The aide went on: ‘He has ruled that
Communist deputies who are absent because they are in jail don’t count.’
    There was an outburst of indignant protest all around the room. Lloyd saw Walter go red in the face. ‘He can’t do that!’ Walter said.
    ‘It’s completely illegal,’ said the aide. ‘But he has done it.’
    Lloyd was dismayed. Surely the law could not be passed by a trick? He did some more arithmetic. The Communists had 81 seats. If they were discounted, the Nazis needed only two thirds of 566,
which was 378. Even with the Nationalists they still did not have enough – but if they won the support of the Catholics they could swing it.
    Someone said: ‘This is all completely illegal. We should walk out in protest.’
    ‘No, no!’ said Walter emphatically. ‘They would pass the Act in our absence. We’ve got to talk the Catholics out of it. Wels must speak to Kaas immediately.’ Otto
Wels was the leader of the Social Democratic Party; Prelate Ludwig Kaas the head of the Centre Party.
    There was a murmur of agreement around the room.
    Lloyd took a deep breath and spoke up. ‘Herr von Ulrich, why don’t you take Gottfried von Kessel to lunch? I believe you two worked together in London before the war.’
    Walter laughed mirthlessly. ‘That creep!’ he said.
    Maybe the lunch was not such a good idea. Lloyd said: ‘I didn’t realize you disliked the man.’
    Walter looked thoughtful. ‘I hate him – but I’ll try anything, by God.’
    Lloyd said: ‘Shall I find him and extend the invitation?’
    ‘All right, give it a try. If he accepts, tell him to meet me at the Herrenklub at one.’
    ‘Very good.’
    Lloyd hurried back to the room into which Heinrich had disappeared. He stepped inside. A meeting was going on similar to the one he had left. He scanned the room, spotted the black-clad
Heinrich, met his gaze, and beckoned him urgently.
    They both stepped outside, then Lloyd said: ‘They’re saying your party is going to support the Enabling Act!’
    ‘It’s not certain,’ said Heinrich. ‘They’re divided.’
    ‘Who’s against the Nazis?’
    ‘Brüning and some others.’ Brüning was a former chancellor and a leading figure.
    Lloyd felt more hopeful. ‘Which others?’
    ‘Did you call me out of the room to pump me for information?’
    ‘Sorry, no, I didn’t. Walter von Ulrich wants to have lunch with your father.’
    Heinrich looked dubious. ‘They don’t like each other – you know that, don’t you?’
    ‘I gathered as much. But they’ll put their differences aside today!’
    Heinrich did not seem so sure. ‘I’ll ask him. Wait here.’ He went back inside.
    Lloyd wondered whether there was any chance this would work. It was a shame Walter and Gottfried were not bosom buddies. But he could hardly believe the Catholics would vote with the Nazis.
    What bothered him most was the thought that if it could