Free Why It's Still Kicking Off Everywhere by Paul Mason Page A

JCB. The difference is that then, we didn’t have a media strategy. UK Uncut is the best example of social media carrying ideas into maximum participation on a localized, decentralized scale.
    Horizontalism, she argues, provides the most useful methods for people with no power. If trade-union activists and grandmothers alike were drawn to dressing up and committing civil disobedience in the high streets of small towns, it was because they saw the old ways of trying to influence politics as closed off. Jasiewicz describes succinctly what this kind of protest is designed to achieve: ‘A lot of our resistance as unarmed and powerless people is based on creating moments where the state is forced to respond to a scenario we are putting forward that is problematic for them; that creates a crisis of legitimacy.’
    UK Uncut actions were ‘fun, good-natured’, easy to join in with—but they also allowed people to ‘see the repression in their lives’, says Jasiewicz.
    Once you can take the struggle out of the corridors of power and distil it—so that you can see capitalism, personified, in your high street—it becomes more tangible. It becomes easier to respond to an oppression you could not name. Now you can. And social media says to people who are alienated and disparate: you are like me; these things are everywhere.
    I ask Jasiewicz the same questions I asked Riches: what she reads, and what has influenced the way she thinks and acts. It turns out that, like many fellow activists, she has a deep hostility to theory. ‘I don’t like talking about what I think; it’s bullshit. It’s this action, this protest, Iraq, Palestine, Deptford’—where she organized a post-riot cleanup and solidarity demo in August 2011. ‘And even social media is not the central thing. The things that are central are off the radar: social interaction, relationship building, trust. Talk to people. Trust is explosive.’
    In the space of six months, the impact of austerity in Britain had created a mass constituency for these ideas, above all among school students and undergraduates. But the old, hierarchical forms of protest had not gone away. Slowly, the trade unions moved from lobbying to action. On 26 March 2011 they called what would become the biggest trade-union demo in post-war history.
    However, just as the events in Tahrir Square had demonstrated the potential for synthesis between students, workers and urban poor, 26 March would be a case study in the lack of synthesis. It would throw the horizontalist movement in Britain into a crisis of direction that it is still struggling to recover from.
    Three tribes go to war
    London, 26 March 2011. It’s clear early on it’s going to be massive. The leaders of Unison—which represents local government and health workers—have massively mobilized their people, bringing in whole trains and hundreds of coachloads of workers, printing t-shirts and professional-looking banners. On the south bank of the Thames, a group called ‘Croydon Filipino Nurses’ is lining up for a photo call. Further on, under a banner saying ‘Nurses Uncut’, a group of women—longtime workmates from various hospitals—meet up, ready to march. They’ve organized it on Facebook: 450 have signed up, some not even in a union. They’ve spent the past few days reassuring each other because of the lurid tabloid headlines about anarchists and violence. ‘There won’t be any trouble,’ they tell each other.
    Getting across the river is hard: some bridges are closed, others crammed with people. Shoulder to shoulder are teachers from Devon, firefighters in red t-shirts, balloon-holding binmen from Glasgow, Norwich, Gloucester; home helps from Renfrewshire. They shuffle their way across Waterloo Bridge. The demonstration is already massing along the Thames and you can hear whistles, drums and vuvuzelas.
    By the time the