Free The State by Anthony de Jasay by Anthony de Jasay Page B

comparisons, or reads the general will, or whichever way the reader prefers to phrase it), fixes the "right" output of public goods with respect to the standard he has thus set up for himself. Whatever he decides, he will, therefore, always be in the proud position of having fixed the right output; for there can never be independent proof to the contrary. It is a redundant apology for the state to say "by reading the general will," "by balancing the merits of conflicting claims," "by duly considering public need against the background of its disinflationary policy," etc. it has determined the right output of public goods. For, whatever the output it chose on whichever considerations, it would not have been, according to its own lights, the wrong one, and no one can ever say that somebody else's lights would have led it to a more nearly "correct" determination.
     
    It remains to add that the political hedonist who is content to sign the social contract must somehow or other have convinced himself that he is getting a good deal. The incremental pleasure he expects to derive from having the state arrange the production of the correct amount of order and other public goods, instead of relying on a possibly quite inadequate patchwork of spontaneous arrangements, must outweigh the pain of coercion he thinks he will suffer at the state's hands.
     
The obvious case where this must hold true is when he does not expect to suffer at all. He will, as a matter of fact, never be coerced if he wills what the state wills, or vice versa, if he can rely on the state to will only what he wills. He must either be the perfect conformist, or he must believe in a benign state which has the power of coercion but lets itself be controlled by those who have none.
     

     
    Author: Jasay, Anthony de Title: The State
     
    Anthony de Jasay
     
    Advanced Search 1. The Capitalist StateInventing the State: The Instrument of Class Rule
     
    The state is autonomous and subjects the ruling class to its own conception of its interest; it "serves the bourgeoisie despite the bourgeoisie."
     
"Autonomy" and "instrument," rule and subjection are terms that yield their real meaning only to the dialectic method.
     
Attempting to interpret the Marxist theory of the state carries more risk than reward. The young Marx, superbly talented political journalist that he was, said incisive and original things about the state, but he did so more under the impulsion of events than in search of a general doctrine. In his later system-building periods, on the other hand, he was not very interested in the state (Engels was a little more so), presumably deflected from the subject by the very force of his theory of class domination, which may be thought implicitly to provide an understanding of the state. In any case he made little effort to make it explicit. This was consistent with his confining the determinants of social change in the "base" and allowing the state, a phenomenon of the "superstructure," either no autonomy or only an ambiguous one. This implicitness is the reason why, despite the much greater respect later Marxists (notably Gramsci and his intellectual descendants) paid the superstructure, one is reduced to speculation about what Marxist theory "must mean," what view it may hold of the forces acting upon and exerted by the state, in order to preserve logical consistency with the whole of its construction.
Such speculation is rendered doubly hazardous by the combination, in much Marxist writing, of the dialectic method with verbose discourse aimed at the ad hoc needs of the day. Owing to the latter, one can nearly always find, in some hallowed text, passages to support almost any stand and its contrary, so that for every "on the one hand" the adept can cite an "on the other" and a "yet we must not overlook that...." The dialectic method, in turn, enables its practitioner to nominate any one out of a pair of contradictory propositions for the role of survivor, of