Double Victory

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Authors: Cheryl Mullenbach
counters. The women who led the sit-ins during the war years laid the foundation for what was to come years later.
    The VV Campaign
    At a time when everyone in the world was paying attention to the ideas of democracy and freedom, it seemed like a logical time to talk about democracy and freedom for blacks in the United States. That’s why a black newspaper called the
Pittsburgh Courier
started the Double V campaign in 1942. “Double V” stood for victory at the war front and victory at home—victory for democracy in Europe, Africa, and Asia, and victory for democracy in America.
    The campaign spread quickly across the country. Black citizens of all ages talked about the Double V. It was a symbol ofpride. Double Victory Clubs were started. People wore Double V pins and flashed the Double V sign with their fingers to show their support for the campaign. They stuck bumper stickers that read DEMOCRACY: AT HOME + ABROAD on their cars. Women were crowned Double V Girls. When Irene Hunter of Chicago was featured in the newspaper as the Double V Girl of the Week, she was swamped with letters from soldiers stationed all over the world. A teacher in Texas named Ruth Chumley won $25 when her song lyrics were chosen as the theme song for the Double V campaign.
    Some black leaders opposed the Double V campaign. They thought movements like the Double V might appear unpatriotic. They thought black activism should be “on hold” for the duration of the war. But others believed it was a perfect time to be active. Movements like the Double V campaign gave some black people the courage to act.
    The Double Victory Girls Club of Cincinnati, Ohio, conducted a demonstration in front of a federal government employment building to protest discrimination by the office staff in December 1943. They claimed the government workers at the office generally ignored black applicants for jobs. And they said that when black applicants were considered, they were only offered jobs as maids or maintenance workers regardless of their training and qualifications.
    Ethel Payne decided to act when she faced discrimination by a government employee. Ethel knew about discrimination; she had witnessed it more than once in her life. That’s why she became involved in the March on Washington in 1941. And she was encouraged when the president signed Executive Order 8802. The order had been directed at the government as well as businesses. Government agencies were reminded that discrimination in hiring for government jobs had to stop.
    In December 1942, Ethel had taken a civil service test. She passed the test, which meant she was qualified to be a librarian with the government. She applied for an opening in a government agency in Washington, DC. Ethel was ready to go to work—but over a year later she still hadn’t been offered a job. She happened to be in Washington in 1944 and decided to inquire about the status of her application. She set up an appointment to talk to an official at the agency. When Ethel arrived, she was directed to the fifth floor and was greeted by a man who introduced himself as Mr. Mc Pherson. He said, “You’ve come about the job. Well, I’m sorry to say that I can’t give it to you.” When Ethel asked why, he admitted she had scored at the top of the grade but that he couldn’t hire her because she was black. “I’m sorry,” Mr. Mc Pherson said, “but that’s just the policy.” Ethel thought it was ironic that Mr. Mc Pherson had rejected her application based on the color of her skin. The department where Mr. Mc Pherson worked and where Ethel had been discriminated against was the US Department of Justice!
    Anna Arnold Hedgeman was a black woman who was executive director of a national committee that was lobbying for a permanent FEPC—the committee that oversaw Executive Order 8802. In the fall of 1944 she had been invited by the US Senate to answer questions

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