Free A Russian Diary by Anna Politkovskaya

it will seem quite long enough.”
    I take an interest in what Yavlinsky has to say almost from force of habit. Other journalists are completely uninterested.
    In Moscow, the victorious United Russia Party holds its conference. Boris Gryzlov, the newly appointed speaker of the Duma, declares, “More than 37 percent of Russia's citizens, more than 22 million people, voted for us. We have obtained a majority in the Duma, which lays a great responsibility on us, and I do not believe in walking away from responsibility. I submitted an application to Putin and he made the arrangements for my transfer to the Duma. Permit me to express my especial gratitude to President Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. It is by following his course that victory has been assured. Our candidate in the forthcoming elections is already known: the president—Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. Our duty is to ensure that he wins decisively.”
    After the conference came the first meeting of the parliamentary United Russia Party. Gryzlov told us about his vision of the Duma's political role. Political debate, it seems, is mere chatter and should be excluded. For Gryzlov, a Duma without debate will be a step forward.
    The Central Electoral Commission has registered a lobby group of electors proposing Putin's candidacy. As of today they can conduct their campaign officially, as if they haven't been doing just that until now.
    December 26
    The fifteenth conference of the misleadingly named Liberal Democratic Party begins in Moscow under the slogan “Russians are tired of waiting!” Zhirinovsky will not stand for president. “We will put forward a complete unknown, but I personally will lead the party during the election of thepresident,” he announced. The conference nominated Oleg Malyshkin, a wrestling coach who is Zhirinovsky's bodyguard and a complete imbecile. In his first television interview as a presidential candidate he had some difficulty remembering what his favorite book was.
    Putin does not simply lack a field of competitors against whom to run. The whole background against which the election is being organized is an intellectual desert. The affair has no logic, no reason, no sparkle of genuine, serious thinking. The candidates have no manifestos, and one cannot imagine them being able to conduct a political debate.
    What can we do? Election campaigns and hustings have been devised by democratic societies partly in order to allow the population some input into the deciding of their future, to give candidates advice and instructions.
    We have been told just to pipe down. Candidate No. 1 knows best what everybody needs and accordingly requires no advice from anyone. There is nobody to moderate his arrogance. Russia has been humiliated.
    December 27
    Sterligov, the coffin maker, has been disqualified from standing by the Central Electoral Commission. Viktor Anpilov, a clown from the Workers’ Russia Party, promptly put himself forward. A horseradish is no sweeter than a radish.
    December 28
    At last they have found a worthy opponent for Putin: Sergey Mironov,* the speaker of the Soviet of the Federation, has been proposed by the Party of Life (another of the dwarf parties set up by the presidential administration's deputy head, Vladislav Surkov*). He immediately announced, “I support Putin.”
    The conference of the Russian Communist Party is taking place. The Communists have proposed Nikolai Kharitonov, an odd, garrulous man who used to be a KGB officer. How wonderful!
    Ivan Rybkin has announced he will stand. He is the creature of Putin's main opponent, Boris Berezovsky,* now in exile abroad. Rybkin used to be the speaker of the Duma and chairman of the National Security Council. Who is he today? Time will tell.
    Meanwhile, Moscow is at a standstill. The rich haven't a care in the world; they are abroad on vacation. Moscow is very rich. All the restaurants, even the most expensive, are crammed or closed for corporate parties. The tables are laden