‘nineties). Tom and Aubrey were financially stretched
to the hilt; large personal overdrafts, houses remortgaged.
They always said they couldn’t decide which were the
worst in those early days; the days when the phone didn’t
ring at all, or the ones when it rang and a smooth voice on
the other end would tell them how impressed it had been
by their operation, but nevertheless how sorry it was that it
had been decided to take the business elsewhere this
time …
Then in the space of three days they won two key
accounts: a radio station in search of further franchises; and a
small grocery chain, both classically demanding in public
affairs terms. They proved their mettle immediately; the
radio station picked up an enormous amount of publicity by
fighting off a takeover, Fleming Cotterill advising them
with great success both to capitalise on the inevitable
redundancies if it happened and to hire a highly controversial
disc jockey, and the grocery chain by playing devil’s
advocate and speaking against the Sunday trading lobby.
The radio station won, and the grocery chain lost the battle
but won their own personal war, emerging with their
image enhanced as one of the good guys who cared about
Sundays.
After that Fleming Cotterill became well known very
swiftly; they picked up a lot of new business and launched a
campaign, through a cross-party group of MPs, to improve
food labelling. Perhaps most importantly, not one of their
original clients had left them; nothing could have provided
a better testimony to their skills.
In the heady post-election air of May 1997, when the
whole country seemed to be celebrating, and a new age
truly dawning, everything to do with politics was thrown into the air. Those lobby shops that had grown up in the long years of undisputed Tory rule were furiously hiring
new young Turks who were in with the new in-crowd,
and presenting themselves as politically non-partisan. It was
not an entirely edifying spectacle.
Fleming Cotterill was not among them; two of its five
directors had held posts in the offices of Socialist cabinet
ministers, and a third had worked famously on the Nolan
Committee, with all its whiter-than-white associations of a
new, less corrupt age. Tom Fleming had several longterm
friends in the new government; his star and that of his
company was very much in the ascendant.
Today Tom was lunching with Bob Macintosh, and the
problems under discussion were at least fifty per cent
personal.
The non-personal conversation had been about the
interminable new regulations coming in from Brussels
governing the food industry. ‘They’re going to drive us
mad, Tom,’ said Bob, ‘and costs are going to soar. I really
want to fight at least some of them, but a small voice like
mine won’t be heard, will it?’
‘You need to get the big boys on board, form a coalition,
which might be difficult initially. They can absorb these
things much more easily. But if you can start making
waves…”
‘Well, that’s your department. What do you suggest we
do?’
‘The ideal thing would be an agreement to look at them
very closely at government level. A parliamentary committee,
even. That’s easier said than done, though, especially at
the moment. There’s so much business for them to get
through in this first few months, and whatever Blair says,
he’s passionately pro-Europe, so no one’s going to give it
very high priority We can do some lobbying, of course, and
I can try and set up a meeting between you and the
appropriate minister, but that won’t be easy either. I agree
with you, these regulations are a nightmare. And the
trouble is, being British, we will play by the rules. Places like Italy and Spain, they ignore half of them. Much more
sensible.’
The personal conversation, which had been much longer
and more difficult, concerned Bob Macintosh’s marital
difficulties, and his reluctance to go along with the