Free The Borgias by Christopher Hibbert

visit to her husband on his country estate. The other was Adriana da Mila, her friend and the pope’s cousin, who had been entrusted by him with the care of his children. A messenger was sent to the king informing him of this unexpected encounter, and Charles VIII declared that the French did not fight against women; but Yves d’Alègre saw no reason why money should not be made out of the captives who had so unexpectedly fallen into his hands, and he accordingly demanded 3,000 ducats for their release.
    Alexander VI astutely agreed immediately to pay this ransom, and the two women were sent on to Rome under an escort of four hundred soldiers. Ludovico Sforza was not pleased: ‘These ladies,’ he declared, ‘could have been used as a fine whip for compelling the Pope to do all that was required of him, for he cannot live without them. The French received a mere 3,000 ducats for them when he might well have paid 50,000 or even more to have them back.’
    With the main body of the French drawing ever closer to Rome, the city grew increasingly fearful; houses and palaces of known supporters of France were ransacked. Alexander VI had been advisedto escape from Rome while he could still do so; but, for the first time in his life, he seemed utterly irresolute. He had called in Neapolitan troops only to dismiss them; he had repeated his refusal to allow the French free passage through the Papal States only to rescind the order; on one occasion he fainted.
    Finally the pope decided to stay in Rome and began to consider the ways in which he might secure an agreement with Charles VIII. First he set about ordering the defence of the city and summoned Burchard together with a number of other members of the German colony living in Rome to an audience, to ask for their help. He outlined the ‘insolent behaviour’ of the French king and his invasion of the Papal States; ‘he did not anticipate a siege by the French,’ he said, but would welcome any help that the German nation, ‘in whom he had great confidence,’ might be able to contribute to the defence of Rome. Burchard continued his account:
    His Holiness suggested that we should appoint constables and officers . . . and arm them with weapons and issue all the requisite orders so that, when the time came, they would be able to defend themselves and the Pope would be able to use this militia within the city, although not outside the walls.
     
    In the end, Burchard failed to persuade his compatriots to agree to the formation of this highly irregular militia; they felt bound, they said, to their promise to obey the captains of their neighbourhood watches, which was what usually happened in an emergency such as this. Nor was the commander of the papal troops, Virginio Orsini, cousin of the lovely Giulia’s husband, any moreencouraging; he chose to offer no resistance to the French, who were, he considered, irresistible.
    With characteristic style, Alexander VI announced that he would defend Castel Sant’Angelo with the troops at his disposal and, if attacked, would stand on its walls in full canonicals, carrying the Blessed Sacrament. He would not leave Rome, he said, to become a prisoner in Naples; he was determined to remain and attempt to come to terms with the French king. Work now started on a deep ditch to surround Castel Sant’Angelo, which involved the demolition of several houses. ‘On Thursday 18 December,’ wrote Burchard, ‘all the Pope’s possessions, including even his bed and daily credence-table, were assembled for removal from the Vatican Palace to Castel Sant’Angelo, the vestments from St Peter’s, all the money chests from the sacristy, the palace weapons and stores of food, and all the papal belongings were sent to the castle, whilst the cardinals also prepared to move.’
    Below the walls of Castel Sant’Angelo, the city was now in an uproar as people fled into the country, having buried or otherwise hidden their valuables to save them from looters