he had almost forgotten that he was technically a member of the president’s staff, too.
“Yes, sir?”
“Give me a very quick brief on our international rights with regard to Kuraq. What’s the law? Does he have the right to defend himself in this way? What difference does the presence of our troops make? After all, we’re there with the express permission of a Middle Eastern nation.”
Ben took a deep breath. “As you probably know, sir, what we call international law isn’t really law at all. It is simply a hodgepodge of various conventions and agreements that have arisen over time, starting in the Middle Ages in, ironically, the Middle East. These have established values and procedures over time—but they are hard to enforce with a nonparticipating nation. You can get a judgment in the World Court, but how do you enforce it? You can get a proclamation from the United Nations, but what impact will that have on a nation such as Kuraq, which has refused entry to UN weapons inspectors for the past five years?”
President Kyler nodded grimly. “And I think now we can see why. They’ve been working on something big. Something they didn’t want anyone else to know about.”
“Last I heard, our ships were still waiting outside the twelve-mile limit, in international waters. If they come within twelve miles of the Kuraqi coast, however, we will be violating their territory as defined by the relevant UN charter agreement.”
“But we have the invitation of the Saudi Arabian government.”
“I know. But since when did one nation have the ability to waive the rights of another? Never, I hope. Does Canada have the ability to authorize Kuraq to invade U.S. airspace? I hope not.”
“I see your point. But this is different. Our intelligence data suggest that they plan—may have already begun—the systematic slaughter of the people on the Benzai Strip.”
“Then the appropriate course of action would be to obtain UN authorization. That’s what George Bush did—the first one. The UN Security Council authorized an invasion after Iraq invaded Kuwait. Over three dozen member nations participated, although of course the United States played the primary role.”
“His son didn’t have UN authorization to invade Iraq.”
“No, he didn’t, and partly as a result, his coalition was much feebler and the action never gained worldwide support. Most foreign nations viewed it as a war of aggression, not of liberation.”
“I’ve had my men working on the UN for weeks. So far we haven’t been able to get anything.”
“You’re suffering the negative fallout of previous U.S. actions in the Middle East. Just when it looked as if we might finally be getting out of the Middle East, here we come again, wanting to invade someone else.”
“I know, I know.” The president’s fingers began to bounce on the tabletop. Maybe it was just Ben, but the pattern looked all too much like the same little dance he had seen the man’s feet performing under the table. “But we can’t stand by and watch this barbarian slaughter an entire region!”
“But we do not have authority to invade.”
“Clinton sent our troops into Bosnia.”
“Yes, but Clinton was acting under the direct authority of NATO, and there was clear evidence of the planned genocide against Bosnian Muslims and had been for years. After those broken and emaciated faces played on television, he had the support he needed—at least for a while. Our evidence about what’s going on in Benzai is—forgive me, Mr. President—considerably more sketchy. And we don’t have the authority of NATO or the UN or anyone else.”
“At this rate, Ben, if I wait for that, those people will be dead. Tens of thousands of them.”
“I understand your position, Mr. President. But my job is to advise you on the law. And that’s what it is.”
“Pardon me for butting in,” Cartwright said.
Ben’s eyebrows knitted together. Had Cartwright ever shown the remotest