from
Moscow,
with
smaller
signs
countingoffthetenthsofakilometre
in between. I mused about how
muchpaintitmusttaketokeepthem
bright and shining, and what on
earth they were for. The only
reasonable
explanation
was
to
provide something of interest for
passengers on the train to look at,
but it seemed an incredible amount
ofeffortforsucha minimal reward.
After a kilometre or two, they lost
theirappealalmostentirely.
The town of Inta, where Father
Dmitry served his sentence for
writing poems, is 2,000 kilometres
from Moscow. Getting there would
take thirty-six sweltering hours. I
scribbled a calculation, that is 55
kilometres
an
hour;
another
calculation:34milesanhour.Ifthat
was our average between Moscow
andInta,itwasnowonderitfeltlike
we were going slowly. You can
drivemorequicklyinmanybuilt-up
areas, and this was very far from
beingabuilt-uparea.Therewereno
houses of any kind. The trees were
dense
and
monotonous:
solid,
pricklyanddark.
Sometimes we would rattle
through villages, clutches of log-
built houses huddled close to the
tracks. But fewer than half the
houseshadanythingplantedoutside.
Most were still secure against the
weather,theirroofswerewhole,but
no one lived there. If someone did,
they would have filled every
available
hectare
with
potatoes
against the winter. Outside the
villages the fields were choked with
weeds: no livestock, no crops. The
onlyfarmanimalsIsawalldaywere
adozengeeseinagarden.
Oneofthemoststrikingstatistics
about modern Russia is that, of the
153,000 villages in the country in
1989, some 20,000 have been
abandoned. Another 35,000 have
fewer
than
ten
people.
The
population has fallen faster in cities,
however,
meaning
that
the
proportion of Russians living in
villages has actually gone up over
that period. This is a practically
unique example of a modern,
developedcountrydeurbanizing.
Theeconomyofthefarnorthhas
all but vanished. It was based on
subsidized coal mines and, now the
subsidiesaregone,asaremostofthe
factories that burned coal, so the
mines have not been able to stay
open. In Soviet times, workers
received special high wages for
workinginthenorth,butthoserates
aregonetoo.Theknock-oneffectof
the mine closures has touched
everythingtheSovietscreatedinthe
Arctic. Shops cannot stay open
without people to buy their goods.
Factories cannot stay open so far
from their markets.The railway line
I was travelling on was built to tie
theArcticintotheRussianeconomy
but, that whole day, the only two
other trains I saw were passenger
trains. There were no goods being
shippedeithernorthorsouth.
Somewhere to the north-west of
me, in 1923, the O G P U security
service, which would later be
renamedtheNKVD,thentheKG
B, then the FSB, opened its first
labourprison.Thatfirstlinkinwhat
became the chain of gulag camps
wasontheSolovetskyIslandsinthe
White Sea. It opened when Father
Dmitry was just a year old. The
island camp held several thousand
menby1925.
But
feeding
and
guarding
prisoners in such a remote location
was expensive. The government in
Moscow needed every rouble to
build its new economy. The camps
would have to pay their way. That
meant that, over time, they were
forced to evolve into profitable
enterprises. They did this by a key
innovation: feeding prisoners a
quantityoffoodproportionatetothe
amountofworktheydid.Thiskilled
off weaklings early, meaning that
non-productiveinmatesdidnothave
tobecarriedbythosestrongenough
to fell timber, make bricks, dig coal
or do any of the other tasks left to
prisoners in the fastnesses of the
Sovietstate.
It was economically successful,
since it meant camps could be
pushed into areas barely habitable
and exploit their resources for the
first
time.
Decades
later,
this
expansion
was
chronicled
by
Alexander Solzhenitsyn, a Red
Armyofficerjailedformakingjokes
about Stalin, who became the
historian of the camp