Free The Lost Codex by Alan Jacobson

Qassam squads carry out the attacks. They’re organized into small, covert terror cells that operate independently of each other.
    “Al Humat was born from Hamas and shares its religious and political views—violence aimed at destroying Israel and replacing it with an Islamic state. Its virulent hatred of Jews and Judaism is deeply rooted in the anti-Semitic writings of the Muslim Brotherhood—which is where Hamas got its start back in 1987. Hamas is a more militant Palestinian offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood, and al Humat is a more militant offshoot of Hamas. Al Humat doesn’t dabble in politics. Its sole focus is the death and destruction of those who stand in the way of Sharia law.”
    “Like the US,” Vail said.
    “Like all civilized, democratic, western countries,” Uzi said. “Some of its leaders have gone on record saying that democracy is the exact opposite of Sharia law. When they talk about taking over Europe, they talk about converting everything and everyone to Islam. Because no other religion or belief structure can coexist with it.”
    “That’s an important point right there,” DeSantos said. “This isn’t a regional issue. It’s not about what’s happening in Israel with Hamas and al Humat and Islamic Jihad and Hezbollah. This battle’s being fought in dozens of European cities. The scope is global—because their plans are global. And unless something’s done, Europe has about thirty years before it starts turning into a group of third world countries. It’ll fundamentally change the world. It’s the single biggest threat to democracy in modern times. Sharia law will set back civilized society centuries.”
    “So that brings us back to Ekrem’s intel,” Uzi said. “Sounds like he was giving us good information about al Humat’s involvement.”
    Rodman took his seat. “And that brings us back to Kadir Abu Sahmoud.”
    “Yeah.” Uzi swallowed hard. “Sahmoud was the bastard who trained Batula Hakim.”
    Vail knew—as did DeSantos and Rodman—that al Humat’s Batula Hakim was the terrorist who murdered Uzi’s wife and daughter eight years ago.
    She also knew, without it needing to be stated, that if Sahmoud was in any way involved with the current plot, capturing Sahmoud would be a priority—and it had nothing to do with exacting justice. Knowing DeSantos, such a “capture” order may involve lethal force, as it did with Osama bin Laden.
    Rodman glanced at the printed translation. “How sure are you that it was Sahmoud’s voice?”
    Uzi pondered that for a few seconds, then said, “Not enough to hold up in a court of law. I think it is. But I’m not completely sure.”
    “Let’s get a voiceprint analysis,” DeSantos said. “Do you think Mossad has a clip of Sahmoud on file?”
    “Very likely. I’ll look into it.”
    “The director general is in Washington,” DeSantos said, “meeting with Tasset this week.”
    Uzi’s jaw muscles tensed. “I know.”
    “You could just request a voiceprint through the usual channels within the CIA—”
    “Better to go to the horse’s mouth. Faster, less bureaucracy. No filters.”
    “But I’m sensing you don’t really want to deal with Aksel,” Vail said.
    Uzi pulled his gaze away from DeSantos and took a seat. He leaned back and closed his eyes. “It’s complicated. Let’s just say that Gideon and I didn’t always agree on things. Oil and water personalities.”
    DeSantos tilted his head. When Uzi did not elaborate, DeSantos added, “Among other things.”
    “Then why don’t we just send the request over to Tasset and—”
    “No.” Uzi was on his feet. “I’ll meet with Gideon.” He gathered his black leather jacket off the seat back and slung it over his shoulder. “I’ll let you know what I find out.”

9
    U zi met Mossad director general Gideon Aksel by the Delta security bollards at the west end of Pennsylvania Avenue, across from the Blair House. Because the street fronted the White House, it was