Proving Woman

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la nécessitéde la confession,” Revue des sciences philosophiques et th é ologiques 63 [1979]: 529–47).
    5 Lea, Confession , 1:171–89.
    6 Raymond of Peñafort implies divine origin in his interpretation of Christ’s command “Do penance” (Matt. 4.17, see Summa de poenitentia 3.34.4, p. 448). Bonaventure posits that while Christ instituted the power of the keys—the formal part of the sacrament—he
     merely hinted at ( insinuavit ) the material part of the sacrament, confession, to the apostles, to whom it was left to institute (in Commentaria in quatuor libros sententiarum Magistri Petri Lombardi bk. 4, dist. 17, pt. ii, art. 1, q. 3, resp., in Opera omnia , ed. Fathers of the College of Saint Bonaventure [Florence: College of Saint Bonaventure, 1898], 4:441 (hereafter cited as Sent .). Aquinas was the first to suggest divine authorization ( Scriptum super libros sententiarum Magistri Petri Lombardi bk. 4, dist. 17, q. 3, art. 1, resp. ad 3, ed. Maria Fabianus Moos [Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1947], 4:371 (hereafter cited as Sent .). This view was disseminated in pastoral circles by Thomas’s popularizers, such as John of Freiburg (see Summa confessorum bk. 3, tit. 34, q. 31 [Rome: n.p., 1518], fol. 187r). See Lea, Confession , 1:168–69, and Gy, “Le précept . . . et la nécessité,” esp. pp. 536 ff.
    7 See AndréDuval, “Le Concile de Trente et la confession,” La Maison-Dieu 118 (1974): 131–59.
    8 Lateran IV, c. 3, Tanner, 1:233–34.
    9 “. . . speciebus panis et vini veraciter continentur, transsubstantiatis pane in corpus et vino in sanguinem potestate divina,”
     Lateran IV, c. 1, Tanner, 1:230.
    10 Also note that the opening description of God’s creation of angels as entirely spiritual (hence noncorporeal) was also an
     inflected response to the Cathar belief that humans were fallen angels who would eventually be redeemed. See Dyan Elliott, Fallen Bodies: Pollution, Sexuality, and Demonology in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), pp. 136–50.
    11 Eventually Peter Lombard’s list of sacraments would be adopted. See Innocent III’s defense of Lombard against the criticism
     of Joachim of Fiore (Lateran IV, c. 1 and 2, Tanner, 1:231–32). Canons 51–52 attempt to make marriage less readily dissoluble
     (ibid., 1:257–59). Alan of Lille, born in the Midi, where Catharism loomed largest, and whose writings are seen as important
     precursors of Lateran IV, anticipates this line of defense. His De fide catholica contra haereticos ( PL 210, cols. 305–430) is based on the doctrine of the sacraments, while his confessors’ manual, Liber poenitentialis (between 1199 and 1203), constitutes a spirited defense of the sacrament of penance (ed. Jean Long[egrave]re, Analecta Mediaevalia
     Namurcensia, 17–18 [Louvain: Nauwelaerts; Lille: Librairie Giard, 1965]). Also see Raymonde Foreville’s “Les statuts synodaux
     et le renouveau pastoral nn XIIIe si[egrave]cle dans le Midi de la France,” Cahiers de Fanjeaux 6 (1971): 136 ff. Cf. Annie Cazenave, “Aveu et Contrition: Manuels de confesseurs et interrogatoires d’inquisition en Languedoc
     et en Catalogne (XIIIe–XIVe si[egrave]cles),” in La Piétépopulaire au Moyen Age , Actes du 99e congre[egrave]s national des Sociétés Savantes, Besan ç on, 1974 (Paris: Biblioth[egrave]que Nationale, 1977),
     pp. 334–35.
    12 Lateran IV, c. 21, Tanner, 1:245. In addition to circulation at various local councils, c. 21 would also be included in Gregory
     IX’s Decretals as X.5.38.12, “De poenitentiis et remissionibus.”
    13 Pierre-Marie Gy resists the association of c. 21 and the detection of heresy (“Le précepte de la confession annuelle [Latran
     IV, c. 21] et la détection des hérétiques: S. Bonaventure et S. Thomas contre S. Raymond de Peñafort,” Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques 58 [1974]: 444–50). Also see idem, “Les définitions de la confession apr[egrave]s le quatri[egrave]me

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