Free Able One by Ben Bova Page B

orbit.”
    “We’re on the brink of war, for god’s sake!”
    Shaking his head ever so slightly, Quang replied, “The People’s Republic of China has no intention of starting a war with you.”
    “Nor we with China, but...”
    Quang raised a stubby finger. “But you wish to strike at the Koreans.”
    “We’ve got to do something,” the Secretary said. “They have two more missiles. And from what you say, those missiles are armed with nuclear bombs.”
    “Pyongyang has sent troops to capture the rebels.”
    “Troops? They should be sending in an air strike to knock out those missiles before the terrorists launch them!”
    “They are not terrorists,” Quang said flatly. “Do not fall into the trap of painting all your enemies with the same brush. That’s how you got into Iraq, remember?”
    “What are they then?”
    “A faction of the DPRK army, apparently.”
    “What do they hope to gain by destroying the whole world’s satellites?” the Secretary asked.
    Quang shrugged his round shoulders. “That we will learn once Pyongyang’s troops have captured them.”
    “And in the meantime they’ve got two nuclear armed missiles that can reach Hawaii! Or maybe even San Francisco!”
    “Or Beijing,” Quang said tightly. “Or Shanghai. Believe me, we are just as concerned about this as you are.”
    “So why aren’t you doing something about it?”
    “The council is considering several options. We believe the missiles are under the control of a rebel faction of the North Korean army. The government in Pyongyang, such as it is,” Quang added with a sardonic sneer, “is seeking to avoid an outright civil war. They want to take the rebels with as little violence as possible.”
    “They’re going to launch those missiles,” the Secretary said, her voice flat and hard. “Unless somebody stops them, they’re going to launch both those nukes.”
    “If they attack China we will obliterate them,” Quang said flatly. “They know that.”
    “But if they attack the United States . .”
    Shifting uneasily in the armchair, Quang said, “That would be regrettable. And an American strike on the DPRK would be even more regrettable.”
    “What do you expect us to do?”
    “Think before you act. An American invasion of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is no more acceptable to China today than it was in 1950. And a strike against the DPRK would force us to retaliate ... to say nothing of the effect the fallout would have on Japan.”
    “We wouldn’t have to nuke them, necessarily,” the Secretary of State said. But her tone was subdued, tentative.
    Quang replied, “If you attack North Korea in any way the pressures on my government to protect our Asian neighbor would be overwhelming. It is a matter of face, as well as realpolitik.”
    The Secretary studied her old friend’s unreadable expression for several moments. Then, “You’d launch a nuclear strike against us?”
    Quang stared back at her for a long, silent moment. Then he murmured, “You must realize that there are factions within our council as well. We have our own hard-liners, you must understand.”
    “But that’s just what the terrorists want! Don’t you see, they want a nuclear Armageddon!”
    “As I told you, we do not believe they are terrorists. They do not seek nuclear holocaust.”
    “Then what do they want?”
    “Control of the government in Pyongyang. Reunification with South Korea--under their terms. Economic aid. Neutralization of Japan. The removal of American bases and influence in East Asia.”
    The Secretary sagged back in her chair. It was her turn to be silent now, thinking that what the North Koreans wanted suited the Chinese government perfectly. A stalking horse, she said to herself. Could Beijing be behind this? If we react against North Korea, will the Chinese use it as an excuse for striking back at us?
    “They want the impossible,” she said at last. “What they’re going to get is