Free An Inca Account of the Conquest of Peru by Ralph Bauer Page B

Horacio H. Urteaga, Collección de Libros y Documentos relativos a la Historia del Perú, t. II (Lima: Imprenta y Librería San Martí y Compañía, 1916), xxii–xxiv.
    28 . For a more detailed discussion of this kinship logic, see D’Altroy,
Incas,
89–103; Niles,
Shape of Inca History,
1–27; also Julien,
Reading Inca History,
23–48.
    29 . Not surprisingly, Titu Cusi’s claim that Atahuallpa’s and Huascar’s mothers were commoners is contradicted by chronicles that drew from other oral traditions. Thus, Betanzos, whose wife, Angelina Yupanqui, had formerly been Atahuallpa’s sister-wife, claimed that Atahuallpa’s mother was Pallacoca, a “noble lady of Cuzco” of the “lineage of Inca Yupanque” and thus a descendant of Manco Capac (Juan de Betanzos,
Narrative of the Incas,
trans. and ed. by Roland Hamilton and Dana Buchanan from the Palma de Mallorca manuscript [Austin: University of Texas Press, 1996], 178). Sarmiento de Gamboa, however, claimed that Atahuallpa’s mother was Tocto Coca, who was Huayna Capac’s “cousin” and “of the lineage of Inca Yupanqui” (“History of the Incas,” 169). Although Betanzos makes a claim for Atahuallpa’s legitimacy, Sarmiento calls Atahuallpa “illegitimate” because Huascar was the son of Araua Ocllo, Huayna Capac’s “sister” (160).
    30 . Generally, Europeans often did not understand the difference between the European concept of
queen
and the Andean concept of coya. Domingo de Santo Tomás’s dictionary, for example, defines coya as
“reyna, o emperatriz, muger de emperador o de rey”
(
Lexicon o vocabulario de la lengua general del Peru
[1560], edición facsimilar por Raúl Porras Barrenechea [Lima: Edición del instituto de Historia, 1951], 266). A woman’s status as
coya,
however, depended not on her being the “wife” or a ruler but rather, as pointed out above, on her claim to descent from Manco Capac by her paternal line.
    31 . I am obliged to the anonymous reader for the University of Colorado Press for this observation.
    32 . On the meaning of this word in Quechua, see Pierre Duviols, “Camaquen, Upani: un concept animiste des anciens peruviens,” Amerikanistische Studien I, Festschrift für Hermann Trimborn anlässlich seines 75, Geburtstages = Estudios americanistas I, Libro jubilar en homenaje a Hermann Trimborn con motivo de su septuagésimo-quinto aniversario / Hartmann, Roswith, éd; Oberem, Udo, Éd (Collectanea instituti Anthropos, 20) (St. Augustin: Haus Völker und Kultures, Anthropos-Institut, 1978), 132–144; also ibid., “La destrucción de lasreligiones andinas: conquista y colonia.”
Historia general,
9 (México: Universidad nacional autónoma de México. UNAM, Instituto de investigaciones históricas), 441–459. On the changes in Andean religious concepts resulting from European conquest and colonialism more general, see also Arthur Demarest,
Viracocha: The Nature and Antiquity of the Andean High God
(Cambridge, MA, Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, 1991); Willem F.H. Adeelar, “A grammatical category for manifestations of the supernatural in early colonial Quechua,” in
Language in the Andes,
ed. Peter Cole, Gabriella Hermon, and Mario Daniel Martín (Newark: University of Delaware, 1994), 116–125; and Sabine Dedenbach-Salazar, “La terminología cristiana en textos quechuas de instrucción religiosa en el siglo XVI, in
Latin American Indian Literatures: Messages and Meanings,
ed. Mary Preuss (Lancaster, CA: Labyrinthos, 1997), 195–209; and ibid., “. . . luego no puedes negar que ay Dios Criador del mundo, pues tus Incas con no ser Christianos lo alcanzaron a sauer, y lo llamaron Pachacamac,” La lengua de la cristianización en los Sermones de los misterios de nuestra santa fe catolica