Free An Inca Account of the Conquest of Peru by Ralph Bauer

la rivalidad política y señorial de los curacazgos andinos
(Lima, Ediciones Retablo de Papel, 1973).
    8 . See Hemming,
The Conquest of the Incas,
89–229; also Andrien,
Andean Worlds,
41–43.
    9 . For a detailed account of the neo-Inca state, see Hemming,
The Conquest of the Incas,
256–346; also George Kubler, “The Neo-Inca State (1537–1572),”
The Hispanic American Historical Review
27:2 (1947): 189– 200.
    10 . For more detailed accounts of the civil wars, see James Lockhart,
Spanish Peru, 1532–1560
(Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1994), 137–140; also Andrien,
Andean Worlds,
43–49; and Hemming,
The Conquest of the Incas,
227–272.
    11 . Edmundo Guillén Guillén (
Versión inca de la conquista
[Lima: Editorial Milla Batres, 1974], 11), has surmised that Saire Topa was poisoned; however, the circumstances of his death have not been definitively established.
    12 . For a good recent account of Juan Santos Atahuallpa’s rebellion, see Hanne Veber, “Ashánika Messianism,”
Current Anthropology
44:2 (April 2003): 183–211; on Andean resistance more generally, see Andrien,
Andean Worlds,
193–232.
    13 . For a more comprehensive discussion of Native appropriations of European sign systems for the purpose of resistance, see Raquel Chang-Rodríguez,
La apropiación del signo: Tres cronistas indígenas del Perú
(Tempe: Center for Latin American Studies, Arizona State University, 1988), and ibid., “Writing as Resistance: Peruvian History and the Relación of Titu Cussi Yupanqui,” in R. Adorno, ed.,
From Oral to Written Expression
. For a more general account of Incan versions of the conquest, see Guillén Guillén,
Versión inca de la conquista,
and ibid., “Titu Cussi Yupanqui y su tiempo, El estado imperial inca y su trágico final: 1572.”
Historia y Cultura
no. 13–14 (Lima: Museo Nacional de Historia, 1981): 61–99.
    14 . Although southern Peruvian Quechua had served as the administrative lingua franca of Tahuantinsuyu, the Incas had never enforced linguistic standardization or uniformity. As a result, the Spaniards upon their arrival in Peru found a bewildering linguistic diversity—José de Acosta claims that there were more than 700 languages in the Inca realm (see Andrien,
Andean Worlds,
117)—and promoted a standardized version of southern Peruvian Quechua as a
lengua general
(lingua franca) for the purpose of catechization and instruction (see Sabine DedenbachSalazar and Lindsey Crickmay, eds.
La lengua de la cristianización en Latinoamérica: Catequización e instrucción en lenguas amerindias/The Language of Christianization in Latin America: Catechisation and Instruction in Amerindian Languages
[Markt Schwaben: Saurwein, 1999]).
    15 . For historical accounts of this movement, see Stern,
Peru’s Indian Peoples,
50–55; Sabine MacCormack,
Religion in the Andes: Vision and
Imagination in Early Colonial Peru
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991), 175–81; and Andrien,
Andean Worlds,
168–171.
    16 . For an account of Ortiz’s martyrdom, see also the account given by Doña Angelina Llacsa, one of the Inca’s wives, published as an appendix to Urteaga’s edition of Titu Cusi’s account (
Relación de la Conquista del Perú y hechos del Inca Manco II,
ed. Horacio H. Urteaga, Collección de Libros y Documentos relativos a la Historia del Perú, t. II [Lima: Imprenta y Librería San Martí y Compañía, 1916], 133–137.
    17 . This is the interpretation that John Hemming gives of these continuous overtures of goodwill that remained, however, without concrete result for the Spaniards (Hemming,
Conquest of the Incas,
338– 339).
    18 . The Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, writing in the early seventeenth century, claimed that the land and labor granted to Saire Topa in exchange for his return to Cuzco—a grant that