these settlers were small yeoman farmers, othersmiddlemen leasing large areas of land and subletting in smaller lots, and there were thirty or more small castles or towerhouses owned by such Englishmen in the county. The Sixth Earl had refused them permission to form themselves into a force against the rebels, and had warranted the captains of his own Irish army to disarm those of the English who did not dwell in castles. At the outbreak of fighting and pillaging the English inhabitants of unprotected farms fled to the shelter of the English-owned castles. When these strongholds were picked off one by one, the survivors in many cases fled to the Earl’s great castle of Bunratty, for he was trying to keep on terms with England—no easy task when its King and Parliament were at war—and at the same time with his powerful O’Brien cousins who had sided with the Catholic Confederation .
What might have been the role of the seneschal of Ibrickan—remembering his Old Irish family connections, and his long-established daily dealings with his Lord’s English tenants—in such events? As it happens, the only reason Hardiman ( representing History, for our purposes here) notices the existence of Richard the seneschal is that he is named in a deposition given in the following year by a John Ward about the sack of his father’s castle of Tromra in Ibrickan. It was Colonel Edmund O’Flaherty of Connemara (as recounted in Pilgrimage )who led the assault, sailing via Aran from Galway where he had been engaged in the siege of the English fort. Ten years later, the rebellion having been crushed by Cromwell’s army, the fate of Tromra was recalled during O’Flaherty’s trial. The Colonel confessed as follows:
… that deponent and his company went in their boats to the countie of Clare, to a castle called Trennrowe, which was possessed by one Mr. Ward, whom he heard was an honest gentleman, and never heard of him before, and neither doth know of what religion or nation he was of; and came to said castle in the beginning of the night … they made some shotts from the castle at him, and continued suteing all night, with which shotts some of his men were wounded. And saith, they could not find the doore nor windowof the said casle that night, but eleven of his men went to the hale which was joyning of the castle, thinking to get in, whereupon they threw stones from the topp of the castle, by which one of his men was wounded and bruised in his arm, and another in his back, and also they let falle a bundle of straw upon said halle by which it was burned, and the next morning they sett on to storm the castle, in which storm one of his men was killed, and three wounded. And saith he continued seige to the said castle, from Sunday night to Wednesday morning, at which time conditions were made by John Ward for his own life, which said John this examinent employed as a messenger to his father in the castle, desiring him to take quarter several times, but the answer of Peeter Ward was, that he would nott take the quarter of Belleek or Sruell.
Being further examined, he saith, that … the sonne and heire of the said Peeter came oute on tuesdaye, and was slained in the way…. And saith, that Peeter Warde did keep his chamber in the castle, from Tuesday night until Wednesday morning, and that the said Peeter Ward’s wife was slaine by a shott through the window of the said chamber, but who made the shott he knoweth not. And further saith that he ordered his men to keepe the said Peeter Warde awake, with intention to give him quarter, and the said Peeter Warde making a thrust out of the dorre with some weapon, was taken by the arme and drawen foorth, and there slained. And further said that he defended himself in his chamber, for foure and twenty hours after the rest went foorth. And saith, that he and his companie plundered the said house, and divided it, havinge first carried the said plunder to Straw island.
Peter Ward’s badger-like