Free Nova Scotia by Lesley Choyce

would be made of equality in
the politics of the next century.
        During that first winter, at least six Frenchmen
lived with the Mi’kmaq people nearby, the first of the
French coureurs de
bois who would take up Native
ways in the coming years as they travelled to the interior of the
continent. Lescarbot painted the Mi’kmaq as “truly noble” and
praised them for their lack of “vain-glory, ambition, envy, and
avarice.” f
        Despite such admiration, the French often referred to them as
savages, since they were not Christians. Lescarbot studied their
songs and prayers and fancied their spirits to be aligned with the
devil and powers of darkness. They were to his mind, alas,
“destitute of all knowledge of God.” Poutrincourt would attempt
some degree of Christian conversion, but didn’t have the luxury of
trained clergy to help out in the task. Among his own ranks, the
great impresario Lescarbot would lead a Sunday sermon to help keep
Christianity alive.
        The French and the Mi’kmaq shared meals that first winter and
the relationship was certainly a fruitful one for both sides. While
the Mi’kmaq could not possibly have foreseen the invasion of French
and English that wouled follow, they noted with displeasure the
arrival of a new creature into their midst. Rats came ashore from
sailing vessels, perhaps the first ever to find their way to North
America, and they adapted well to the new territory. There is no
record that Lescarbot or Poutrincourt ever made apologies for such
an unwanted gift.
        In May of the following spring a ship arrived from France to
inform the tiny colony that de Monts’ contract to control this land
had been revoked due to political pressure at home. De Monts had
never really been able to establish the monopoly on furs that he
had planned. Rumours suggested that his company’s treasurer, De
Bellois, along with Pontgrave and de Monts himself, had defrauded
the company of money. The entire fur business was* also in
question. It had created some tensions with Native people elsewhere
for the obvious reason that foreigners were killing off the source
of their livelihood. Some Frenchman had also dug up the dead in
Native burigal grounds to rob them of the furs they had been buried
with. These complaints, along with other more political reasons,
led the king to revoke the privileges he had granted de
Monts.
        On July 17, 1607, Poutrincourt, Lescarbot and the entire
party left the fort at Port Royal, heading for Canso. Membertou and
his people were left ten barrels of flour and possession of the
Habitation if they cared to use it. History does not reveal whether
any Mi’kmaq jumped at the chance to move into a slightly used
French fort. Most likely they would have found those dark, stark
dwellings inhospitable compared to their own
homes.
        Champlain, who had survived his life at Port
Royal not much worse for wear, had the opportunity to put his
map-making skills to work again as they sailed around the southern
tip of Nova Scotia and on toward Canso. In particular, he noted “a
very sound bay seven or eight leagues long, where there are no
islands in the channel save at the end.” He referred to this body
of water as “d une baie fort
saine ,” or “a good safe bay,”
and it would one day be known as Halifax Harbour.
     
    Chapter 8  
    Chapter 8  

     
    Absentee Owners and Hesitant
Settlers
    England had laid claim to virtually all of North America as
a result of the explorations of John Cabot, but there seemed to be
little ambition or political will to do anything about it until
1583 when Sir Humphrey Gilbert sailed from Plymouth and eventually
arrived at the present location of St. John’s, Newfoundland. Here
he “took possession” on behalf of Queen Elizabeth I. He decided to
explore further, but something went wrong and heb went down with
his ship, The
Squirrel. Gilbert’s
brother-in-law, Walter Raleigh, took renewal of the Queen’s patent
to