names, in spite of their noble birth.
It had been right at the beginning of March that they were summoned by Reinhard and ordered to draw up an extremely forward-looking document called the Societal and Economic Reconstruction Plan. About a month had passed since the Lippstadt Agreement had been signed.
When they left Reinhard’s presence, they couldn’t help looking at one another.
“I can read what Marquis von Lohengramm has in mind. He intends to cast himself as a reformer to win the support of the people. That will be a powerful weapon when competing with the highborn.”
Bracke nodded at Richter’s words.
“Meaning that he’s using us to further his ambition. I can’t say I like it. There’s no way to say no, but what if we pretended to go along with this and then sabotaged him?”
“Now, hold on a minute. Even if we are being used right now, I’m not sure I really mind it. If the reforms we’ve been hoping for all this time are finally implemented, isn’t that a good thing, regardless of whose name it’s done in?”
“Well, that’s true, but …”
“Viewed another way, there’s also a sense in which we’re using Marquis von Lohengramm. We may have ideals and policies, but we don’t have the authority and military force to implement them. Marquis von Lohengramm does. At the very least, he’d be vastly better than a reactionary leader like Duke von Braunschweig. Am I wrong, Karl?”
“No, you’re definitely correct about that. It’s clear that if Duke von Braunschweig and his ilk get the reins of power, they’ll take the government and society in a reactionary direction.”
Richter gave Bracke a pat on the shoulder.
“In short, we and Marquis von Lohengramm need each other. With that understanding, we should cooperate when we’re able to and do whatever we can to steer society in a better direction, no matter how small the effect may be.”
Bracke tilted his head at Richter’s words. “But once he gets his hands on absolute power, Marquis von Lohengramm won’t necessarily continue taking a civilized, enlightened attitude. There’s no guarantee he won’t turn into a despotic dictator overnight.”
Richter nodded slowly. “That’s exactly right. And it’s against that very day that we have to drive these reforms home now. We have to cultivate a citizenry equipped to criticize and resist starting on the day that Marquis von Lohengramm abandons his posture as a reformer.”
VI
The need to organize their disparate military forces loomed over the heads of the nobles who had signed the Lippstadt Agreement. This was because a unified command headquarters, a unified strategy, and a unified leadership and supply system were going to be essential if they hoped to counter Reinhard’s genius.
In order of priority, the first thing to do was to decide on who would be the supreme commander of the combat units. The composition and positioning of those units would depend on his thinking and planning.
At first, Duke von Braunschweig intended to assume full command of combat operations himself, but Marquis von Littenheim argued that this chair should be filled by a professional tactician.
“We should make Admiral Merkatz the commander in chief. He has an excellent record, and he’s well respected. Besides, what kind of leader would go to the front lines in person?”
Although it was obvious that Marquis von Littenheim’s true intent was to stop Duke von Braunschweig from scoring any military accomplishments, the argument itself was sound as could be and thus could not be deflected.
“Well, if it’s Admiral Merkatz, I suppose I could live with that.”
Finding the other aristocrats in agreement, Duke von Braunschweig had to keep his internal tsking to himself and show himself a man of broad mind and generous disposition. Extending all courtesies, he invited Merkatz to his villa and earnestly entreated him to become commander in chief of the coalition forces.
Senior Admiral