âencounterâ (as found in RO âs translation), âappeal toâ (+ dative), as found in RC 2. Importantly, Alexanderâs name is in the dative case: á¼Ì£Î»ÎµÎ¾Î¬Î½ [ δÏÏι ] (line 2). Thus the sense could be âappeal to Alexander.â Also, there appears to be general agreement that the subject of εν ]| ÏÏ
γ [ Ï ] αν [ is the Eresians: Paton, in IG XII, 2, 526 (followed by Heisserer and RO ) restored the second person plural finite verb: á¼Î½ ]| ÏÏ
γ [ Ï ] άν [ εÏε ; Tod 191 and OGIS 8 restored the plural participle in the nominative case: á¼Î½ ]| ÏÏ
γ [ Ï ] άν [ ονÏÎµÏ ; Welles ( RC 2) restores a participle but is noncommittal on its case and number: á¼Î½ ]| ÏÏ
γ [ Ï ] αν [ ονÏâ16â . It is thus possible that the general sense is âyour appeal to Alexanderâs precedent is persuasive.â For a brief discussion of the first three lines of the reverse of stone gamma, see Heisserer (1980: 55â56).
32 Unfortunately, there are very few extant inscriptions from Eresos, and the few that do exist are not precisely (or even roughly) dated. However, the inscriptions do suggest that the dÄmos was in control of the polis after 300. The following texts likely date to the Hellenistic period and give an indication that the dÄmos controlled Eresos: IG XII, 2: 527, 528, 529, 530; Supplement to IG XII: 120 (before 190 BCE), 121 (3rd/2nd c. BCE), 122 (209â204 BCE). No extant text from this period indicates that the dÄmos was not in control of the polis.
33 Bosworthâs comments (1980: 317). It might be relevant to note that Seleukos I and Antiochos I returned a statue of Apollo to Miletos that was taken by Darius I (Paus. 1.16.3, 8.46.3).
34 It must be stressed that the Alexander was not doctrinaire in his liberation/democratization policy. Parmenion, for example, enslaved the small Aeolic town of Gryneion (Diod. Sic. 17.7.9). But that occurred before Alexander commanded the forces in Asia Minor (see Badian [1966: 39â40]). And Thebes was a democracy when Alexander had it destroyed. But it, of course, was on the Greek mainland. Note, too, Alexanderâs maltreatment of Soli (in Kilikia) during the run-up to the battle of Issos (Arr. Anab. 2.5.5â8): he put a garrison in the city and fined the citizens 200 talents (because they favored Persia) and then âgranted them democracy.â As Bosworth notes (1980: ad loc.), this notorious incident demonstrates that a grant of democracy was not necessarily a grant of freedom. Arrian appears to contrast Alexanderâs treatment of Soli with his subsequent treatment of Mallos (Arr. Anab. 2.5.9).
35 There surely was internal competition for control of the various poleis. The epigraphic record in several cities makes this clear. For example, Mytilene ( RO 85), Erythrai ( I. Erythrai 10), Chios ( RO 84). Alexanderâs democratization policy was unwelcomed by anti-democrats.
36 For an analysis of the laws from Eretria and Athens, see, respectively, chapters 2 and 3 . Note, too, that Phanias of Eresos (a student of Aristotle, who was Alexanderâs tutor) wrote a book titled ÏÏ
ÏάννÏν á¼Î½Î±Î¯ÏεÏÎ¹Ï á¼Îº ÏιμÏÏÎ¯Î±Ï (âthe slaying of tyrants out of vengeanceâ) (Athen. 3.90e; 8.33a, 10.438c). Alexander clearly understood the potential power of anti-tyranny ideology.
Appendix
The Number and Geographic Distribution of Different Regime Types from the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Periods
In the introduction I made significant assertions about the success of democracy within the larger ancient Greek world during the Archaic, Classical, and early Hellenistic periods. I here provide the data to support those assertions. In order to present the data within a more useful and compelling