depends on the characteristics of the gene teamâ (âCooperation and Competition,â p. 55). The relative importance of competition in ecological theory is being questioned, too (see, for example, Stephen Doig, âEcology May Never Be the Same After Daniel Simberloff,â p. 17).
33. W. C. Allee,
Cooperation Among Animals,
p. 16. He continues: â[The roots of] an unconscious kind of mutualism . . . are deep and well established and its expression grows to be so spontaneous and normal that we are likely to overlook or forget itâ (p. 176).
34. Richard Dawkins and Garrett Hardin are examples.
35. A similar fallacy resides in sociobiologistsâ arguments about altruism, which term is likewise used in two senses. See Gunther Stent, âYou Can Take the Ethics Out of Altruism But You Canât Take the Altruism Out of Ethics.â Marshall Sahlins, in
The Use and Abuse of Biology,
and Anthony Flew, in âFrom Is to Ought,â make essentially the same point about confusing two levels of meaning with respect to terms like âlaw of natureâ and ânatural selection.â
36. John A. Wiens, âCompetition or Peaceful Coexistence?â p. 34.
37. For example, Sahlins, Montagu, and Gorney. Also, Elliot Aronson suspects that âKropotkinâs work . . . has been largely ignored, perhaps because it did not fit in with the temper of the times or with the needs of those who were profiting from the industrial revolutionâ (p. 153). And Richard Hofstadter: âAmerican society saw its own image in the tooth-and-claw version of natural selection, and . . . dominant groups were therefore able to dramatize this vision of competition as a thing good in itself. Ruthless business rivalry and unprincipled politics seemed to be justified by the survival philosophyâ (p. 201).
38. Quoted in Lewontin et al., p. 309, fn. 30. The sociobiologists continue to make vigorous use of this gambit. Slavery, love, and a good many more human institutions are said to be found in other species. Consider, for example, this excerpt from Edward O. Wilsonâs
On Human Nature:
âThe species that have evolved long-term bonds are also, by and large, the ones that rely on elaborate courtship rituals. It is consistent with this trend that most of the pleasures of human sex constitute primary reinforcers to facilitate bonding. Love and sex do indeed go togetherâ (pp. 146â47). Notice what he has done here: After describing a phenomenon called âbonding,â he suddenly substitutes the word âlove.â Now he can proceed as if he had actually demonstrated that human love is identical to the bonding common to all animals.
39. Montagu,
Darwin,
p. 72.
40. Mark A. May, âA Research Note on Cooperative and Competitive Behavior,â p. 888.
41. May and Doob cited in Emmy A. Pepitone,
Children in Cooperation and Competition: Toward a Developmental Social Psychology,
p. 14.
42. Deutsch,
Resolution of Conflict,
p. 89.
43. Thomas Tutko and William Bruns,
Winning Is Everything and Other American Myths,
p. 53.
44. David Riesman, âFootball in America: A Study in Culture Diffusion,â p. 252.
45. Aronson, pp. 153, 206.
46. Jules Henry,
Culture Against Man,
pp. 295â96.
47. Susan Schiffer Stautberg, âThe Rat Race Isnât for Tots.â See also a
New York Times
article by Michael deCourcy Hinds: ââThere is as much pressure to get [children] into kindergarten as there will be to get them into law schoolââ (âPrivate Schools: The First Stepsâ). âYoung professionals want the best: the best job, the best BMW, the best baby,â writes James Traub. âThey know they have to compete for itâ (âGoodbye, Dr. Spock,â p. 61).
48. Deutsch, âEducation and Distributive Justice,â p. 394. He continues: âIf educational measurement is not mainly in the form of a contest, why are students