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Authors: Kate Raphael
Battista and Bagatti, Monte Tabor , 99.
112 This could mean command or governorship – walaya,.
113 Battista and Bagatti, Monte Tabor , 101.
114 Cytryn-Silverman, K., The Road Inns (Khāns) of Bilad al-Shām during the Mamluk Period (1260–1516): An Architectural and Historical Study , PhD Diss, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 2004, 24–5. Unpublished
115 Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-A‘yān (Beirut, 1988), vol. 3, 494; Littman, E., “Aybak,” EI 2 1:780.
116 This corresponds to the dismissal of al-Dīn Usāma, the first governor of , by al as mentioned earlier in this chapter.
117 According to Ayalon the word khādim indicates that the person referred to was a eunuch. Ayalon, D., Eunuchs, Caliphs and Sultans: A Study in Power Relations (Jerusalem, 1999), 200–84.
118 Ayalon, Eunuchs , 176, 179.
119 Battista and Bagatti, Monte Tabor , 82. The last half of the fifth row can hardly be read as the letters are not legible.
120 Husām al-Dīn Lu’lu’ appears in inscriptions 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 8, from which I cite only four. Battista and Bagatti, Monte Tabor , 72–102.
121 An amir kabir in the Ayyubid period could be simply a senior officer. Humphreys, R. S., “The mergence of the Mamluk Army,” SI 45 (1977): 86–9; Ayalon, D., “ Studies in the structure of the Mamluk army – III,” BSOAS 16 (1954): 81–2. Later in the Mamluk period it was given to amirs of the rank of 100 (i.e. who had a permanent force of 100 Mamluk horsemen, and commanded 1000 men in the battlefield). Humphreys, R. S., “The emergence of the Mamluk army (conclusion),” SI 46 (1977): 175–7.
122 Battista and Bagatti, Monte Tabor , 116–117.
123 Ayalon, Eunuchs , 294; Ayalon, D., “The eunuchs in the Mamluk sultanate,” in The Mamluk Military Society (London, Variorum, 1979), III, 279.
124 Battista and Bagatti, Monte Tabor , 106.
125 Irwin, R., The iddle East in the Middle Ages: The Early Mamluk Sultanate 1250–1382 (London, 1986), 39.
126 Ibn Shaddād, , vol. 2, pt. 2, 86.
127 Ellenblum, “ ,” 10, 3–112.
128 Amitai, “Ayyubid inscriptions,” 114–15.
129 Amitai, “Ayyubid inscriptions,” 114.
130 Al-Malik al-Sa‘īd Fakhr al-Dīn was later offered an in Egypt by the sultan Ayyūb and therefore left Banias. Humphreys, Saladin , 223, 290, 292.
131 Amitai, “Ayyubid inscriptions,” 114–15.
132 Hartal, , 93; Amitai, “Ayyubid inscriptions,” 118–19.
133 Wiet, G., “Les inscriptions de la Guindi,” Syria 3 (1922), 62–3.
134 Ibid., 62–3.
135 Ibid., 62.
136 Combe, E. et al ., eds, Répertoire chronologique d’épigraphie arabe, Publications de l’Institute François d’Archéologie orientale (Cairo, 1939), vol. 10, 276, inscription no. 3800 A.
137 Thee is no actual reference or mention of the qualifications of the figure who supervised the building. The term Muhandis found occasionally in the sources seems to refer to a land surveyor, engineer or contractor. Behrens-Abouseif, D., “Muhandis, Shād, Mu’allim – notes on the building craft in the Mamluk period,” DI 72 (1995): 295.
138 At the fortress of Belvoir, stone was brought from three different quarries, one as far as 20 km away. Ellenblum, R., “Construction methods in Frankish rural settlements,” in The Horns of , ed. B. Z. Kedar (Jerusalem, 1992), 173.
139 Vitruvius, The Ten Books on Architectur , trans. M. H. Morgan (Cambridge, MA and London, 1926), 49–50.
140 An account of the site and an architectural analysis are given by Ellenblum, Modern Histories, 258–74.
141 The fortress passed into the hands of the Franks along with many other fortresses in the Galilee in 1240–41, after a treaty was signed between the Ayyubid Sultan, Ayyūb and Richard of Cornwall. Prawer, Latin Kingdom , vol. 2, 271. It seems, however, that the Franks did not rebuild the fortress during this period. If any restoration work was done it was probably carried out from 1255 onwards under the supervision of the
112 This could mean command or governorship – walaya,.
113 Battista and Bagatti, Monte Tabor , 101.
114 Cytryn-Silverman, K., The Road Inns (Khāns) of Bilad al-Shām during the Mamluk Period (1260–1516): An Architectural and Historical Study , PhD Diss, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 2004, 24–5. Unpublished
115 Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-A‘yān (Beirut, 1988), vol. 3, 494; Littman, E., “Aybak,” EI 2 1:780.
116 This corresponds to the dismissal of al-Dīn Usāma, the first governor of , by al as mentioned earlier in this chapter.
117 According to Ayalon the word khādim indicates that the person referred to was a eunuch. Ayalon, D., Eunuchs, Caliphs and Sultans: A Study in Power Relations (Jerusalem, 1999), 200–84.
118 Ayalon, Eunuchs , 176, 179.
119 Battista and Bagatti, Monte Tabor , 82. The last half of the fifth row can hardly be read as the letters are not legible.
120 Husām al-Dīn Lu’lu’ appears in inscriptions 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 8, from which I cite only four. Battista and Bagatti, Monte Tabor , 72–102.
121 An amir kabir in the Ayyubid period could be simply a senior officer. Humphreys, R. S., “The mergence of the Mamluk Army,” SI 45 (1977): 86–9; Ayalon, D., “ Studies in the structure of the Mamluk army – III,” BSOAS 16 (1954): 81–2. Later in the Mamluk period it was given to amirs of the rank of 100 (i.e. who had a permanent force of 100 Mamluk horsemen, and commanded 1000 men in the battlefield). Humphreys, R. S., “The emergence of the Mamluk army (conclusion),” SI 46 (1977): 175–7.
122 Battista and Bagatti, Monte Tabor , 116–117.
123 Ayalon, Eunuchs , 294; Ayalon, D., “The eunuchs in the Mamluk sultanate,” in The Mamluk Military Society (London, Variorum, 1979), III, 279.
124 Battista and Bagatti, Monte Tabor , 106.
125 Irwin, R., The iddle East in the Middle Ages: The Early Mamluk Sultanate 1250–1382 (London, 1986), 39.
126 Ibn Shaddād, , vol. 2, pt. 2, 86.
127 Ellenblum, “ ,” 10, 3–112.
128 Amitai, “Ayyubid inscriptions,” 114–15.
129 Amitai, “Ayyubid inscriptions,” 114.
130 Al-Malik al-Sa‘īd Fakhr al-Dīn was later offered an in Egypt by the sultan Ayyūb and therefore left Banias. Humphreys, Saladin , 223, 290, 292.
131 Amitai, “Ayyubid inscriptions,” 114–15.
132 Hartal, , 93; Amitai, “Ayyubid inscriptions,” 118–19.
133 Wiet, G., “Les inscriptions de la Guindi,” Syria 3 (1922), 62–3.
134 Ibid., 62–3.
135 Ibid., 62.
136 Combe, E. et al ., eds, Répertoire chronologique d’épigraphie arabe, Publications de l’Institute François d’Archéologie orientale (Cairo, 1939), vol. 10, 276, inscription no. 3800 A.
137 Thee is no actual reference or mention of the qualifications of the figure who supervised the building. The term Muhandis found occasionally in the sources seems to refer to a land surveyor, engineer or contractor. Behrens-Abouseif, D., “Muhandis, Shād, Mu’allim – notes on the building craft in the Mamluk period,” DI 72 (1995): 295.
138 At the fortress of Belvoir, stone was brought from three different quarries, one as far as 20 km away. Ellenblum, R., “Construction methods in Frankish rural settlements,” in The Horns of , ed. B. Z. Kedar (Jerusalem, 1992), 173.
139 Vitruvius, The Ten Books on Architectur , trans. M. H. Morgan (Cambridge, MA and London, 1926), 49–50.
140 An account of the site and an architectural analysis are given by Ellenblum, Modern Histories, 258–74.
141 The fortress passed into the hands of the Franks along with many other fortresses in the Galilee in 1240–41, after a treaty was signed between the Ayyubid Sultan, Ayyūb and Richard of Cornwall. Prawer, Latin Kingdom , vol. 2, 271. It seems, however, that the Franks did not rebuild the fortress during this period. If any restoration work was done it was probably carried out from 1255 onwards under the supervision of the
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