empire, it paid meager returns. Yet Roman
Britain fi gures prominently in the imaginations of English-speakers,
for it allows them to pretend that Great Britain is the direct heir of
a grand and majestic Roman Empire. Nonetheless, the Roman era in
British history was not as uplifting or infl uential as contemporary
imperial enthusiasts might imagine.
Classical sources referred to the primary island in the British Isles
as Britannia, thus the inhabitants of this island were Britons. Greek
and Roman sources depict them as prototypical candidates for imperial subjugation. Casting them as giant forest-dwelling barbarians,
Strabo asserted that they had “no experience in gardening or other
agricultural pursuits.” Caesar, who actually visited Britain, granted
that the southern “tribes” were civilized through contacts with more
advanced continental Gauls, but he borrowed from Strabo in describing northern Britons as ferocious tribesmen who lived solely on milk
and meat, dyed themselves blue for war, and shared wives. Tacitus,
who wrote well after the Claudian conquest, continued to depict
northerners as wild and militaristic but added the qualifi cation that
the peace and stability of Roman rule had made them decadent.
For Roman authors and readers, Britain was an alien, exotic land
that was literally beyond the known world. The English Channel was no mere maritime body. It was “Ocean,” a watery boundary that marked the limits of civilization. Life in this remote, cold,
inhospitable, and mist-shrouded land turned Britons into wild men.
In Roman eyes they were a different order of humanity that deserved
conquest.20
These accounts actually tell us very little about the people we now
describe generically as Britons. There were strong continuities in the
material culture of Iron Age southern Britain, but preconquest Britons had distinct and separate identities based on their means of subsistence, political and social organization, and perhaps even language.
Regardless, classical authors invariably portrayed all barbarians—
including Britons—as nomadic, cannibalistic, and sexually immoral.21
These historians provide most of the narrative detail of the Roman
Roman
Britain 41
conquest of Britain, but we need to read them with caution, for most
used Britannia as a backdrop for debates about society and politics
in metropolitan Rome. Evidence demonstrates that Britons, particularly southern Britons, were not isolated and shared a material culture with their Iron Age neighbors across Ocean in Gaul, Belgica, and
Germania.
Contrary to Strabo and Caesar, late pre-Roman Iron Age communities practiced specialized agriculture; mined copper, iron, and tin;
and produced wheel-thrown pottery and fi nished metal goods. The
British Isles most likely experienced signifi cant population growth in
the fi rst century b.c., and competition for resources probably led to
friction and warfare. Britons in the more mountainous northern and
western highland zones had fewer commercial and cultural contacts
with continental Europe, but they produced a suffi cient agricultural
surplus to sustain settled communities. The agrarian lowland regions
of southern Britain supported much higher population densities. In
the rugged regions of Wales and southwest England, populations
clustered around hill forts, while oppida , large semiurban settlements
enclosed by extensive networks of earthen dikes, were the most common form of settlement in southeastern England.
While Iron Age Britons shared a similar material culture, they
were politically fragmented. Powerful chieftains probably built hill
forts between the fi fth and second centuries b.c. to claim productive
territories. The origins and function of the oppida , which fi rst emerged
in continental Gaul during the second century b.c., are less certain.
Continental oppida were built for defense, but their British counterparts were less fortifi ed.
Larry Niven, Nancy Kress, Mercedes Lackey, Ken Liu, Brad R. Torgersen, C. L. Moore, Tina Gower